Monday, April 30, 2018

Updates on Arizona Educators' Calls for Pay Increase


As of Monday 30 April, Arizona educators have completed two (2) days striking, closing schools, and marching across the state. Arizona's teachers have been building on the increasing resistance to red states from educators, and they continue the solidarity movement. (Colorado teachers are also threatening to strike) As recently as Tuesday 17 April, Governor Doug Ducey said he would not meet with organizers of Arizona Educators United and called their protests a "political circus" coordinated by "political operatives." But last week, the governor offered a budget agreement to boost teacher pay by 20 percent by 2020, though he has not addressed infrastructure improvements. 

On the first strike day, students and educators at more than 1,100 schools participated in walk-ins in support of the teacher effort. #RedForEd organizers estimate more than 100,000 people participated. Today, Monday, marching teachers will attempt to meet with their legislators in the capitol face to face.

The AZ teachers have simple demands:
  • 20% raise for all teaching and certified staff
  • Competitive wages for all classified staff
  • Return school funding to 2008 levels (23:1 class ratio)
  • No new corporate tax cuts until AZ per-pupil spending reaches national average
  • Yearly raises until AZ teacher salary reaches the national average
Arizona teachers are among the lowest paid in the country, according to federal data. Average salaries last year were actually $8,000-$9,000 less than 1990 salaries when adjusted for inflation.

We should notice that teachers' solidarity actions -- specifically, a single day walk-out -- was effective. Communities supported the teachers after very effective communication and planning. Notice the effective video by Arizona Educators United:


We recommend following Arizona Educators United for both information and their strategies to communicate with their teachers, their communities, and their legislators.

In this blog, we are very interested in West Virginia, Kentucky, Oklahoma, and, now, Arizona educators using effective strategies to press their claims. We hope that Texas educators can learn from these movements to change our state education environment.

Thursday, April 19, 2018

Hungry Students, the Union, and the College's Responsibilities


A recent article in the Texas Tribune showed nicely how the increasing cost of Texas state college tuition is affecting working-class students. For example:
A student today would have to work 62 hours a week at a minimum wage job to cover the full cost of attending a public four-year college, according to research from Trellis, a nonprofit that tracks student debt issues.
We should not be surprised with these numbers nor are we surprised that the State of Texas government continues to ignore the relationships of poverty in Texas, access to higher education, and health in our communities' families (for more data on poverty in Texas, see here). All student costs are increasing, while local household incomes are stagnant. Here, we focus on food costs for student college students:
Source: Trellis Company
The U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) estimates the minimum dietary needs of an adult can be met on $267 per month provided that all food is prepared at home, an unlikely scenario for young adults. Many of our Lone Star College students, however, do not have sufficient employment for even $267 per month and many of those students actually bring their income back to their families collectively (this is another blog post, forthcoming). Many students live in areas where they cannot find jobs; other jobs struggle with transportation, course demands, jobs, and family responsibilities. In short, our students are hungry. That hunger is both a distraction, but cognitively affecting academic performance.

  • 36 percent of university students were housing-insecure in the past year, as were 46 percent of community college students.
  • Less than half of all students surveyed reported being completely secure, meaning they did not experience any food or housing insecurity, or homelessness, in the past year.
  • Black and Native American students were more likely than non-Hispanic white or Asian students to experience food or housing insecurity.

We applaud our faculty colleagues who bring food to their offices, to the classrooms, to writing centers and other places for students to grab an apple or snack bar. Students are amazingly grateful for these gifts from faculty pockets. But colleges must realize that these students' hunger immediately and directly affect the college's success.

Houston Community College aggressively addresses hunger and we recommend the Tribune's summary and Houston Chronicle's recent attention to this too-silent discussion. We also applaud LSC-Montgomery's years of food pantry experience and LSC-North Harris's student emergency fund and emerging food pantry program. BakerRipley, partnering with East Aldine Management District and local churches, are aware of these food insecurity concerns.

But the college must be much more aware and assertive in addressing this long-term and persistent community problem.

We propose this in three prongs:

  1. Each college should make their campus as centers for research of food in the communities, including food deserts, poverty, and student family access to nutritious food. 
  2. Each campus should connect with current community resources for food banks.
  3. Use the college's political influence to address these concerns at the legislative level, including decreasing tuition and fees. 
Readers, union members, and allies should address this with their union representatives and their Professional and Support Staff Associations and Faculty Senates. Academic departments should address this concern as part of their curriculums [sic] as community problems worthy of intellectual inquery. 

Additional Resources

Trellis Company. "State of Student Aid and  Higher Education in Texas." 2017. https://www.trelliscompany.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/SOSA.pdf  
U.S. Department of Agriculture. "Official USDA Food Plans: Cost of Food at Home at Four Levels, U.S. Average, June 2016." (http://www.cnpp.usda.gov/USDAFoodCost-Home.htm); 

Tuesday, April 17, 2018

Conversations in #MeToo: Towards a Better Culture

I see two diverging narratives emerging from our current cultural reckoning with sexual harassment and violence. One focuses on sexual harassment as a problem of individuals — the good ones, the bad ones, the victimized ones, the manipulative ones — while the other looks more broadly at the workings of a larger system or culture. I argue that in order to see real change emerge from this movement, we need to understand the problems with the more popular “individual” narrative and move towards addressing wider cultural issues, including those that exist at the college.

“I feel sorry for someone like Matt Damon, who is a decent human being. … He came out and said all men are not rapists, and he got beaten to death. Come on, this is crazy!”
- Terry Gilliam
“There is a bit of a witch hunt happening. … There are some people – famous people – being suddenly accused of touching some girl’s knee or something, and suddenly they are being dropped from their programmes.”
- Liam Neeson


#MeToo, from a narrative of individuals to a narrative of the system
The individual-focused narrative of #MeToo, the one I see most frequently in mainstream media discussions, celebrates the takedown of what we’ll call the individual “monsters” — Harvey Weinstein and Larry Nassar, for example. But when pressed to look at larger systemic problems, this narrative slides into hand-wringing and breast-beating over the hypothetical innocent men who may lose employment, social standing, freedom (or their lives, if we believe Terry Gilliam) because of some hypothetical mistake.

There’s no room in this narrative to address people who are problems but not obviously “monsters” — those guilty of less violent forms of harassment or of speaking poorly about their accused friends, for example — or larger systems and networks that are problematic even if not participating in open harassment. For example, this narrative demands that we see Al Franken as innocent — even a victim himself — because his groping and unwanted kissing is not on par with the extreme forms of rape and sexual violence committed by Weinstein, Nassar, Cosby, Moore, and other "monsters." We lose the ability to talk about the way that he harmed women whom he was meant to represent.

When we focus on individuals, all men either fall into the category of monsters deserving of punishment or else of innocent well-meaning people who would never purposefully do wrong. Positioned against these men, the survivors become either good victims — usually one of many, usually white, cisgender women — or bad ones who are overly-fragile creatures at best (delicate women taking insult where none was intended), and malicious beasts at worst (evil women out to ruin good men’s lives). These evil women are quite obviously the ones Liam Neeson and Terry Gilliam claim to see.

This narrative is reductive and serves to erase real harm and close off space needed for important conversations.
Today’s headlines seem to be either dominated by the men who’ve been flaunting their abuse of women for years, even decades, with explicit details of all of the horrors they were allowed to inflict upon women — or about the men who might be at risk for being “unfairly” accused. The men who are now “scared to even talk to women” lest they be accused of sexual harassment. And the women…the women are forgotten completely.
- Ijeoma Oluo
But there’s a second narrative, one that I believe in but which seems less mainstream, that sees the possibility that we’re at a crossroads not paved with the ruination of powerful men, but with the deep, careful reflection of people of all genders on our place within systemic violence.

The phrasing of “MeToo,” like the solidarity it represents, is more than a decade old, and at its best it represents not a place to call out individual monsters, but a way to see the scope of systemic violence. Its mainstream focus in the last few months should be recognized as the culmination of a generation of activism by feminists who have pressed us to reflect on the nature of power in our society and on how that unequal balance of power — based on gender and sexuality, yes, but also on race, social class, disability, body size, language, documentation status, and placement in a corporate structure — makes some people more vulnerable to abuse.

This narrative of #MeToo looks at recent revelations of sexual harassment and violence and sees not the threat of innocent men losing their jobs over a joke, but a long history of women “voluntarily” leaving jobs they were good at because of a culture that accepts sexist jokes as normal. We see years of survivors denied due process for their complaints of harassment (and worse) now facing deep public concern about “due process” for accused men. We see trans and gender non-conforming folx having to choose between employment and feeling safe using the bathroom, fighting against cultural stereotyping of their identities as predatory despite being harassed, assaulted, and murdered at obscenely high rates. We see people of color held back from advancement because a supervisor saw their reactions as “too aggressive.” We see farm workers who can’t speak up about the conditions of their labor for fear of deportation.

To address these kinds of violence is an uncomfortable conversation, not least because we must begin with this understanding: this narrative of the #MeToo movement, the one I will posit is the real movement, asks us to look beyond the familiar, almost comfortable, narrative that tells us that bad acts are done by individual monstrous men who can be found and easily cast out. Yes, there are bad people who have done bad things, and even those of us who want to see a radical revisioning of the prison system have a hard time feeling a lot of pity for the likes of Larry Nassar.

But the narrative of individual monsters committing monstrous acts — the narrative that overlooks the wider cultural problems — allow us to too easily ignore the more banal, everyday kinds of violence that do harm by simply looking the other way, by doing what seems normal, by following the path of least resistance, by upholding the status quo. As we look for a real end to these kinds of violence, we are asking all people to look beyond the faces of the monsters — of the Harvey Weinsteins and Larry Nassars and Roy Moores — and to the systems that have enabled them. We’re not looking for individuals who must be cast out. We’re not necessarily talking about people who need to be fired or people who need to have legal action taken against them.

Instead, I envision a call for careful reflection on the culture and the systemic power that abets this violence, and on the ways that we are all complicit in supporting it.


A Problem of Culture
One of the most frustrating part of the use of the #MeToo hashtag and the resulting conversations about sexual harassment is that they focus too much on sex, turning what should be understood as stories of workplace harassment into situations steeped in layers of discussion about consent and sexual mores. And while there’s no denying that there are some interlinked issues in play and a necessary conversation about consent in our culture, when it comes to the workplace we need to keep the focus on harassment.

The problem that we face isn’t one of dating in the office, or of men misunderstanding cues related to sexual interest. Frankly, hand-wringing over the potential future of office relationships is dismissive and offensive because the problem is environments where people with more power — whether that power comes from job title, gender, race, or any other axis of privilege — make people with less power unable to effectively do their jobs. The problem is in the harassment, and more specifically, the harassment of those with less power.

And the painful truth is that, yes, there has long been an acceptance of the kind of behaviors that do prevent people from doing their jobs. Sometimes this is extreme forms of assault, but mostly it’s just an “old boys club” environment, which can be damaging to people of all genders.

If we want to envision a workplace that is safe for all, then yes, we must address these harmful environments, and sometimes that will look like criticizing behaviors and institutions that have seemingly “always” been fine. What’s key to remember, though, is that what we see at this cultural moment — as with the heavily publicized “Shitty Media Men” list and the “Shitty Men in Academia” list) — is not the sudden turning against things that have always been fine. Rather, it’s the sudden public knowledge of what has always been. Faced with wider cultures who would not hear them, women and other folx have been using gossip and “whisper networks,” flawed as they are, to try to protect each other.


Things haven’t been fine. Those without power have just been quiet.
Even though we work in very different environments, we share a common experience of being preyed upon by individuals who have the power to hire, fire, blacklist and otherwise threaten our economic, physical and emotional security. Like you, there are few positions available to us and reporting any kind of harm or injustice committed against us doesn’t seem like a viable option.
-Alianza Nacional de Campesinas

Larry Nassar did official University HR Training (and so did everyone at Michigan State who looked the other way)

As we approach a discussion of harassment as a cultural issue, it becomes necessary to look at the the culture of our workplace at all levels. The most obvious place is, of course, Human Resources and the way that harassment is discussed at that system level.

I want to be fair to the difficult situation of HR: it exists to facilitate employee relationships, but at the same time serves the institution/management and therefore the preexisting cultural condition of the institution. It’s not hard to imagine how that can be a hell of a double-bind. Still, we’ve seen plenty of evidence recently that on a national scale, women have reported men to HR only to see no results, or taking action through HR has been disincentivized.
The efficacy of the ubiquitous HR Sexual Harassment Training has similarly been called into question, with most experts agreeing that it is a very ineffective way to address workplace cultural problems of sexual harassment. Some researchers point to a common reliance on sexual and gender stereotypes in such trainings that makes people uncomfortable. But I tend to gravitate primarily to the explanation that such trainings exist to address the institution’s legal liability, so it’s hard to look at them as a good faith attempt at changing a problem in the institutional culture. And how employees view such trainings matters, as research suggests that the value of HR Training rests primarily in the value individual employees place on the training and on the way employees view the work culture.

(I can only suggest here that an email threatening to fire those who fail to complete a training does not create an environment in which employees will take HR Training as a serious and important discussion of culture. Rather, it serves to reinforce the idea that the “real” purpose of those trainings is to protect management from legal liability, and the existence of that liability is the soul reason for such threats.)

My takeaway from this: HR (and HR Training) can only be as good as the culture it works within, and therefore, bigger changes to work culture have to look more collective than a training at the beginning of each semester.

Of course, I don’t say this to take away from the fact that we should be advocating for better training and better policies — we should absolutely be doing that. But if HR can only be as good as the culture it works for, we should simultaneously be engaged in changing that culture.

If we want to change the culture around us, we must look more deeply at the whole system — not the monstrous men, not the individuals deserving scorn, or blame, or pity, but at the places where we see power operating in ways that may be harmful or silencing.

This strikes me as an important goal for anyone who is labor-minded: to remember all the workers, all the power differentials, and to actively position ourselves to listen, learn, and support those who are ready to speak.

In that spirit, I offer these suggestions for a beginning place for action:
  1. Read through the links provided throughout the essay above, particularly to feminist writing about sexual harassment, labor, and the #MeToo movement. Frequently, the positions of feminists, especially those who were steering this conversation long before Rose McGowan’s problematic leadership, are seen only in abridged or mocked contexts, and the already existing nuance in this conversation gets lost in generalized, highly individualized fears about due process and proportionality.
  2. Be ready to actually listen, while also acknowledging that plenty of people who have felt victimized by parts of what has been the institution’s normal workings aren’t ready to speak. 
  3. Understand the ways in which you might experience privilege based on certain axes of your identity — not just gender, but race, class, job security, citizenship and abledness — that may prevent you from seeing/noticing situations that are harmful to people with more marginalized identities.
  4. Read through this link, also cited above, for some concrete suggestions for more effective ways to begin addressing workplace culture, and begin a conversation about a better way to handle HR Trainings on Sexual Harassment. Look for more discussion of how we might take action in an upcoming issue of The Advocate
  5. Educate yourself on the current war on Title IX by Betsy DeVos and the way that these choices may harm our students, as an important, very linked conversation to this one.

Friday, April 13, 2018

Arizona Supreme Court Denies DACA Students In-State Tuition -- How this Threatens Texas College Students


This week, the Arizona Supreme Court decided that Arizona-resident DACA students no longer have in-state/in-district tuition status for colleges and universities. In their decision, the court agreed that DACA students have been granted "lawful status" by the federal government, but not "legal status" for state law to qualify for state resident rates. In other words, though these students live in the state, apparently the court does not see them legal but illegal. Wrap your head that one around for a while.

This decision affects over 2,000 students in Arizona and, without appeal to circuit court, these thousands of students will see immediate tuition increases or simply withdraw from college. The out-of-state rate will triple the tuition for these students, and of course, many cannot afford that tuition. For example, in-state students at Arizona State University will pay $9,834 for tuition next school year, while non-resident students pay $27,618.

This court decision is exactly why the federal DREAM Act is needed (and the Congress has no interest -- neither Republicans nor Democrats have the willpower to make this happen). The original federal DREAM Act was proposed in 2001, and nearly two decades later, the nation has failed these hundreds of thousands of young people. Because of this state's decision, thousands over another generation will not be able to afford higher education, promising more poverty in the state for another generation. We should notice that the Arizona Board of Regents Chair Bill Ridenour had been supportive of DACA students and stated:
"The board continues to hope that soon, a congressional enactment will establish the lawful status and presence of those who were brought to this country unlawfully as children and have remained here as law-abiding members of our communities," Ridenour said.
Image result for daca
Source: Wikimedia Commons
Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich's response was merely that this was "his job," arguing that all along that colleges and universities were violating state and federal laws by granting in-state tuition to DACA recipients. “It’s about time someone held them accountable, and that’s my job. My role as AG is to make sure you’re following the law,” he said. As we argue elsewhere, this kind of response that mimics others' excuses for their own impotence endangers all justice.




The Arizona AG's response -- "That's my job" -- is parallels to Texas Attorney General Paxton, who has lead the charge to sue the federal government to cancel all DACA protection of youth: “Indeed, if the injunction is maintained through June 2018, amici States will be forced to consider filing a lawsuit challenging the original 2012 memorandum creating DACA,” said Paxton in January 2018.

Why Arizona Predicts Texas's Threats to Undocumented Students

We need to appreciate that, though the federal government has continuously failed to do what functional governments should, the State of Texas was the first state with a DREAM Act, in 2001. In 2001, a Republican-majority House of Representatives and Republican-majority Senate passed HB 1403 to qualify migrants -- including some undocumented -- as residents of Texas for purposes of tuition at the rate provided to residents of this state ... and was signed by Republican Governor Rick Perry. In 2001, the people of Texas had the moral motivation to both recognize the economic and social capital of state residents, regardless of their national document status. This Texas DREAM Act has permitted tens of thousands of students who live in the state to attend the state's colleges and universities with the economic privilege of residency. This is sensible, since undocumented families pay taxes in Texas and should have the advantage of those taxes. Specifically, the current Texas DREAM Act allows in-state tuition for students who have lived in Texas for three years and either have obtained a GED or graduated from the state's public or accredited private schools. Before this act, Texas colleges treated undocumented students as international, requiring them to pay international tuition, even though most had lived in Texas for most of their lives, paying Texas taxes.

Now, if Texas AG Paxton follows Arizona's lead to further attack our undocumented students, again tens of thousands of future college students will not afford tuition.

For example, the following table demonstrates the gross disparity of in-district tuition vs international tuition.

Credit HoursIn-DistrictInternational
1$96$252
2$160$360
3$224$524
4$288$688
5$352$852
6$416$1,016
7$480$1,180
8$544$1,344
9$608$1,508
10$672$1,672
11$736$1,836
12$800$2,000
See Lone Star College.

In future blog posts, we will address real problems of working- and poverty-class students, how their poverty affects college success, and both college support and college failures to support our community members.

For now, we need to reach out to our current legislators and start a very aggressive campaign to a) oppose the Abbott-Patrick-Paxton axis attack against our students, and b) demand stronger legislation to expand protection of our undocumented students. This is a core value of the college and -- importantly -- must be a core value for the union.

Thursday, April 12, 2018

Update on OK Resistance -- a 100 Mile Walking Trek to the Capitol


Resistance has multiple faces. Resistance is writing letters and cards to our representatives. Resistance is walking out of the classroom to fight for protecting students. Resistance is wearing a red shirt in solidarity with educators across the nation.

And sometimes, resistance is walking. But not just across the parking lot. We’re talking a lot of walking -- 100 miles of walking.

Our colleagues in Oklahoma started a 100-mile long trek from multiple towns and cities to the OK Capitol to demonstrate their commitment calls for an equitable pay and school budget support (see our previous post here).

"We do appreciate the raise. The main reasons that teachers are walking are because of the lack of funding for classrooms, the things that affect kids," said Brendan Jarvis, a seventh-grade geography teacher in Tulsa. "We're marching for the kids, for better school supplies, so teachers don't have to buy all of them out of pocket."
H8 oklahoma teacher march strike continues
Image Credit: YOUTUBE: "OK TEACHERS SPEAK"

Though the OK government did offer a pay raise, the legislature had removed school budget support.
Oklahoma-AFT President Mary Best and Oklahoma City President Ed Allen issued the following statement:
“We are disappointed but not surprised that Gov. Fallin repealed the hotel/motel-tax that would have yielded additional funding for public schools. Over the last two weeks in this fight for Oklahoma’s teachers, we’ve made clear that pitting teachers against kids is a losing strategy. We will keep fighting to make sure there’s funding for both, because it’s what our teachers need, and what our kids deserve. 
“In the meantime, we encourage the state Legislature to consider quickly the wind production and capital gains tax bills as potential revenue streams: Oklahoma needs an increase in public education funding on top of teacher raises. And we need it soon, so we can get back to the classroom. 
“Make no mistake: Our teachers want to be in school—teaching. But they’ll remain in the capital until these legislators make good on their duty to fund our state’s schools.”
Thursday, thousands of educators arrived at Tulsa where they intend to meet with legislators.

This blog will follow our colleagues' success.

Teachers in other states are striking. Texas teachers can't do that.

Source: Texas Tribune



Texas statute says any employees who "strike or engage in an organized work stoppage against the state or a political subdivision of the state" will lose all their "civil service rights, reemployment rights, and any other rights, benefits, and privileges the employee enjoys as a result of public employment or former public employment."

That’s us -- we’re state employees and community colleges are “political subdivisions of the state.” This, while the State of Texas is persistently decreasing funding of community colleges while increasing regulation and control over curriculum.

Read more from the Texas Tribune.

Thursday, April 5, 2018

Teachers Strikes Expand -- Updates on Kentucky and Oklahoma … and Arizona!

Source: David Wallace, Arizona Republic



Increasingly, educators in red states are exercising their constitutional rights to protest their low salaries, attacks on retirement funds, and working situations. We mentioned the wildcat walkout last week. Now, Oklahoma teachers are preparing for a strike as they reject the governor’s pay increase.


The resistance against GOP governors and legislature is also expanding in Arizona. Grassroot group Arizona Educators United and the union affiliate, the Arizona Education Association, call for a 20% pay raise, while Governor Ducey adamantly rejects this proposal, with a mere 1% increase.


The Texas AFT stands in solidarity with our colleagues in Oklahoma:
At its core, this is about teachers’ and school support workers’ heartbreaking teaching and learning conditions. Funding public education adequately is a fight that we must win because it’s the right thing for our kids, for our economy and for America.

For a summary of the KY and OK strikes, read this Mercury News article and for more information on the Arizona labor initiative, see a brief summary by NPR Illinois. We also recommend appreciating the strength of women in these strikes, here at USA Today.